Chinese Nationalist Party Essay

On 1 October 1949, Mao Zedong, leader of the Chinese communist companionship declared achievement over the chauvinistic Party (Guomindang) and brought an can to four brut ally long years of Civil state of adjure utmoste. The communist victory in the Civil warfarefare has merely, created significant debate among historians, namely was a communistic victory inevit able-bodied and if so is it more(prenominal) sensible to see the Chinese Civil contend as a Communist victory or as a jingoistic defeat?When researching these questions it be surfaces blatantly obvious that the Guomindang governance led by Chiang Kai-Shek was riddled with problems and they are precise a lot the rationality of their give birth d takefall.Widespread disposal corruption, spiraling flash, loss of public cartel and intractable poverty are just a few of the failings the Guomindang discompose upon the Chinese mountain. These monumental failings make a Communist victory wait al well-nigh ine vitable, in that they just happened to be on that point to assume big businessman as the flag-waving(a)s at sea put forward and drowned in their own mistakes. In this intellect it is more sensible to view the Civil War as a Nationalist defeat, rather than a Communist victory.On the an other(prenominal) hand, the Communists were able to turn dismal rural poverty and the Japanese invasion into assets, apply them to convince villagers that radical change was imperative and that the Communist Party was surpass qualified to engender ab fall out this change. Seen in this strike, topnotch strategy and organisational methods allowed the Communists to chance on victory and non just move into a vacuum as suggested by Barnett (Barnett, 1965 1).There is certainly an element of inevitability with regard to the Communist victory, however, in this essay I will argue that not just now was the phalanx issue of the Chinese Civil War not preordained, but I will as well critically eva luate the reasons the Guomindang lost the Civil War and explain that given their indemnity mistakes, the Civil War should be seen as a Nationalist defeat rather than a Communist victory. If the Nationalists had been voluntary to adapt and had they initiated some changes in their strategies, the Communist Party, no matter what its knowledgeable organisation or external strategies, would not have been able to bring revolution to main trim chinaware.This theory is not supported by Kubek, who argues that the ca practise of theNationalist defeat was due(p) to a lack of aid from the United States, declaring sovietisation of china and Manchuria could be the only logical outcome of post-war United States policy in mainland China (Kubek, 1965 62). This view point is unduly simplistic and overvalues Americas role in China, an opinion supported by Chang, who believes the Guomindang administrations failure was due not so much to lack of American support, but to its inhe wage defects (Cha ng, 1965 40).Before analysing these inherent defects and the reasons that the Nationalist Party lost the Civil War, it is important to under remain firm the fundamentals of the situation in China at the end of World War Two specifically the consequences of the eight-spot year war with Japan that totally exhausted the Guomindang militarily, stintingalally and spiritually. Hsu argues that the war with Japan is the single most important cause for the downfall of the Nationalists and had there been no Japanese war, the situation in China would have been rattling different (Hsu, 1990 734). Many of the Guomindangs problems such as f servealism, corruption and leading were prevalent prior to the Sino-Japanese War however it was during the last phases of the Sino-Japanese War that these problems reached crisis proportions and in hindsight it seems impossible that the Guomindang could have overcome these problems to defeat the Communists (Service, 1965 29).Chang also believes that the Guomindang faced insurmountable problems prior to the Civil War, stating that the government of Chiang Kai-Shek was built on quicksand and clay. How can it stand? Is it any wonder that it fell like a house of separate when it had to face the Communist crisis? (Chang, C. 1965 41).Westad, (2003 7) however argues that in spite of the Guomindangs weaknesses, the outcome of the post-war conflict with the Communists was no way predetermined in 1945. At the end of the Sino-Japanese War the Guomindang held significant advantages over the Communists, with its widely recognised legitimate government controlling China, giving it the forefinger to tax and conscript. On the other hand, the Communists could not match the Guomindangs troops in terms of training and equipment and could beoutgunned and outmanoeuvred in all major regions of the country (Westad, 2003 8).Furthermore, the Communist troupe was barely represented in the cities at all, which of course was the power base of the Guomind ang. However, the Communists also had successes rooting from the war with Japan including increasing their area of control and practiced evolving their strategies of lengthened insurgent warfare against the Japanese which in turn generated public support. contempt this the partys main forces were still located in north-west China and they were not in such a powerful coiffure that a civil war with the Guomindang would be a mere formalness in securing control of the country.The Civil War is therefore simply not a case of the imminent decline of the Guomindang and the Communists irresistible rise. quite the Sino-Japanese War provided the framework for the decisions and strategies that would ultimately lead to Nationalist defeat. The war with Japan left wing the Guomindang decimated and they did need to undergo reform in order to survive however the factionalism and corruption inwardly the Guomindang resulted in increasingly repressive controls being employ upon the war weary C hinese people. At a time when current strategies were needed, the government instead keep its repressive controls and when war again bust out, the government lost even more support and collapsed with cataclysmic speed.This was due in no small part to the leadership of the Guomindang, whose perpetuation of their own power dominated over all other considerations (Service, 1965 28). The arrogance and distraction of the Guomindang alienated the Chinese people and caused a loss of public corporate trust and respect. This loss of respect not only resulted in the Nationalists losing influence in their own power bases, but made it easier for the Communists to exploit this public disharmony and encourage the Chinese people to think that a change in administration would bring about a change in their fortunes.An causa of the Guomindangs poor leadership strategies can be seen in their occupancy of former Japanese colonies (Service, 1965 29). The Chinese citizens within these Japanese occu pied territories had waited eightyears for the return of Nationalist rule, but instead of being do by as victims of war, they were exploited. The Guomindang leaders did not return their land but acquired it as their own property moreover, they virtually eliminated the m mavintary assets of these people. This was caused by the currency in the occupied territories going through extreme fanfare as the government only offered the exorbitant exchange rate of two hundred to one when a more reasonable rate would have been half that much (Phillips, 1996 158). Furthermore, the puppet leaders that had been installed by the Japanese often kept their positions or became members of the Guomindang. Poor policy decisions such as this would lead to the downfall of the Guomindang, as it is impossible to bear on an effective war without the support of the people and the stinting policies of the government alienated millions of suffering people.The Guomindangs frugal problems were not control to the territories at one time occupied by the Japanese. All over China inflation was an exceptionally larger-than-life problem, for as the increases seen during the Japanese War were allowed to spiral out of control during the Civil War. Service, (1965 29) argues that this is a direct result of corruption within the Guomindang, and that they refused to take any effective steps to check inflation or implement awkward reforms for fear of losing the support of the landlord class in China. In view of this, the Guomindang developed urban industry at the expense of agricultural and financed this by simply printing more bank notes.Their economic distraction was disastrous for the majority of the Chinese people and meant that by 1948 government intake had become thirty times larger when compared to its pre-war level the budget shortfall had also blown out to thirty times it pre-war level and inflation was increasing at the rate of thirty per cent a calendar month (Chang, K. 1965 23). The Nationalist government faced imminent financial doom and the Chinese people were becoming aware of the selfish nature of their government whose economic policies and financial mismanagement destroyed the livelihood of hundreds of millions of Chinese. The failings of the Guomindang would provide the Communist party with ample opportunities to exploit the discontent of the Chinese people.This was one of the reasons for the Communist victory in that they were able to gain the support of people from the rural areas who the Guomindang had alienated. An fashion model of this can be seen in the rural land reforms implemented in newly gained territories. In these areas the Communists promoted production and ensured supplies by creating a self-sufficient economy. To devolve on the productive enthusiasm of the peasants, they launched a campaign to reduce rent and engage. shaver associations and other organisations were urged to demand and enforce a 25 percent rent reduction, with a rent c eiling set at 37.5 percent of the crops. The interest rate on loans was limited to 1.5 percent a month, or 18 percent a year, much lower that the excessive rate formerly charged by the landlords (Westad, 2003 11 and Fielding, 1999 134). They were able to achieve these reforms without confiscating large amounts of land, as considerable redistribution of land to the peasants was accomplished by imposing graduated taxes in such a way that larger landholders voluntarily sold land because it was no longer profitable.It is arguable that the Communists had no intention of eliminating the economic power of the landlords, but instead they showed the peasants that they could exercise their power locally and play an bustling role in the war against a government that some had come to despise. The Communists gave the peasants what they wanted an soldiers of friendly troops who not only did not steal their crops but helped them bring in the harvest and who implemented touristy but gradual econ omic reforms (Ebrey, 1996 289). This is in stark contrast to the Guomindang who did not understand the peasants and showed no interest in aiding them. They failed to see the revolutionary say-so of the peasant masses and unlike the Communist Party never essay to organise them. This situation was best summarised by Hsu the stone that one builder had rejected became the cornerstone of the others house (Hsu, 1990 738).However, many of the most important cause of the Nationalist defeat during the Civil War were multitude ones. Despite emerging from the Japanese War better equipped and trained, the Nationalist Army was a tired force (Hsu, 1990 734). This war-weariness was felt throughout China and there waswidespread recognition that full scale civil war would be a tragedy for the country. It is therefore, not surprising that the Guomindangs sedulousness in military aggression towards the Communists, who were Chinese after all, failed to arouse the kindred patriotic loyalty as when the enemies were Japanese (Stuart, 1965 19). Given this situation the Nationalist Army needed good leadership and to gain the support of the people they were unsuccessful on both counts.This was largely due to the leadership dust created by Chiang Kai-Shek that was a congerie of conservative political cliques come to primarily with maintaining their own power (Service, 1965 30). Furthermore, the highest military posts were reserved for those who like Chiang Kai-Shek had graduated from the Whampoa military academy and this often meant that more talented officers were turned away. General Barr of the United States express of the Guomindang leadership in 1949 that, their military debacles in my opinion can all be attributed to the worlds worst leadership and many other morale destroying factors that lead to a complete loss of will to fight (Barr, 1949 x quoted in Bianco, 1971 180).In fact, many battles were lost by the Nationalists without a fight, as hundreds of thousands of troop s simply defected or surrendered to the Communists (Barnett, 1965 5). An example of this may be seen during the Huai-Huai Campaign, where poor military leadership caused the Nationalist troops to become contact and resulted in an irreparable loss of manpower without a fight (Phillips, 1996 158). Rather than undertaking offensives to seek out and destroy the main mobile guerrilla units of the Communists, they holed up for the most part in isolated, vulnerable, defensive positions allowing the Communists to concentrate their forces and approach shot and overwhelm Nationalists positions one by one (Barnett, 1965 5).This strategy played into the men of the Communists whose primary goal was to reduce the numbers of the Nationalist army. They were not concerned with holding specific geographic areas and this allowed them to be a lot more flexible in their attacks. Moreover, the Communist troops were ordered to avoid large battles and to engage the enemy only when there was a high luck of victory. Mao Zedong argued that the only way guerrilla warfare could succeedis if the army had the support of the people, and the Communists certainly had this (Mao Zedong, 1940 x cited in Bianco, 1971 184).The Communists successfully achieved this through the use of propaganda. They portrayed themselves as defenders of the nation and the Guomindang as enemies of all levels of society, from peasant to student (Chang, C. 1965 40). Chiang Kai-shek himself admitted that the Nationalists failure in propaganda was a major defect in our struggle against Communism (Kai-shek, 1965 77).Despite this, the Nationalist army had many opportunities to seriously pervert the Communists. However, their leadership too often committed crucial tactical mistakes, which were the result of lack of communication and disputes within the party caused by the factionalism that riddled the Guomindang leadership (Westad, 2003 11). Clique politics and factionalism would eventually lead to the situation where unified action to either solve the problems in Nationalist held territory or to fight against the Communists became virtually impossible (Barnett, 1965 6). This is in stark contrast to the leadership of the Communist armies, whose generals were not concerned with personal gain, but instead co-operated with each other and gained the support of the Chinese people and worked towards a united goal (Westad, 2003 9).These superior military tactics and aforementioned economic reforms brought the Communists wide spread support and ultimately victory. However, this victory would never have been achievable were it not for the military, economic and social failings of the Guomindang. Chiang Kai-Shek himself admitted major defects in organisation and technique in the Nationalists war against Communism, however he argued that these defects were remediable, so long as our strategy and policy were correct, I believe we still could have won (Kai-Shek, 1965 82). It is in this light that the Chinese Civil War should be viewed not as a Communist victory, but as a Nationalist defeat.There is no doubt that the war against Japan was a crushing blow to the Nationalists economic and military power, however it was not fatal. TheNationalist government could have continued to consolidate its power and authority by the sheer weight of its military strength and financial resources (Tsou, 1965 28). Even though the Nationalist government was far from popular, it was the most powerful military and economic force in China and could have survived if it had been willing to regain the support of the people. Defeat to the Communists was therefore, far from inevitable, and the Nationalists were very much the engineers of their own demise.BIBLIOGRAPHYBarnett, A. (1965), Multiple factors, in Pichon Loh (ed.) The Kuomintang whipping of 1949 seduction or Collapse? D.C. Heath & Company, BostonBianco, Lucien. 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